Welcome to politics.co.uk's As-It-Happens page. Here you can keep up to date with major parliamentary debates, press conferences or news events in real time. Just hit refresh on your browser to see the latest development.This event is now over, but you can see how it developed below. - - - - - David Cameron is about to deliver his speech to the Conservative party conference. It's his big opportunity to respond to Gordon Brown's claim that, amid the global financial crisis, this is "not the time for a novice". Follow his address live on politics.co.uk. The Tory leader is seen striding purposefully across the bridge which links to the conference centre in Birmingham. He's a bit nervous, he admits, but this can often be a handy thing. He's got a lot to live up to after his barnstorming performance this time last year. Senior members of the shadow Cabinet are applauded to their seats, William Hague and George Osborne looking especially pleased with themselves, as the big buildup continues. First, though, Baroness Warsi tells a joke and delegates watch a video. At the appointed hour Mr Cameron comes striding out on to the stage to the usual standing ovation. Senior Tories are on the stage behind him – it's a visual contrast with last year's empty stage for him to pace on. He begins by saying how pleased he is that "everyone is in tune" – a jibe at Labour there – before properly starting with a repeat of his bipartisan rhetoric "in the short-term to ensure financial stability". A repeat of "short-term" underlines his point: "the mistakes have been made", after all, so it's the Conservatives' job to explain how to do it otherwise. A neat pivot from yesterday's cooperation to today's expected attacks on Gordon Brown. An early starter for ten is the armed forces and Afghanistan. A few logical steps from pullout to "more slaughter on our streets" justifies the Tories backing our troops "100 per cent". Big round of applause for that, unsurprisingly. As with all good conference speeches Mr Cameron inserts a personal story about an 18-year-old soldier he met. And then a lament about all the things which are wrong with Britain's treatment of those armed forces – easing from approval to criticism is the theme so far. Slipping in a note of triumphalism about yesterday's Ghurkha court ruling is the perfect addition here. "These are times of great anxiety. I know how worried people are. They want to know whether are politics and, let's be frank, our politicians are really up to it," he says. Here's the key section: character and values are what people want to know about, he says. Mr Cameron says his most important world is "responsibility". And he says he asks simple questions about every judgment he makes based on these lines. Mr Cameron is explaining what you have to do when you're handling a crisis. "You cannot prove you're ready to be prime minister – it would be arrogant to tell people you can. The best way is to tell people who you are, how you make decisions, and how you live with them." This is personal stuff – much more personal than the prime minister's effort this time last week. The Tory delegates engage in a burst of frenetic applause as Mr Cameron mentions the union as an example of his judgment. "I want to be prime minister of the United Kingdom," he says, before admitting: "I know that sometimes my party gets it wrong and other parties get it right." "Simple principles" are oozing out of every sentence at the moment. This speech is an exposition of his fundamental political outlook. "Go with your conviction, not calculation," he says. "The right thing will always be right." Having built up to some big points about spin, without actually mentioning the world, he warns "difficult and unpopular things" are looming. "I believe that to rebuild our economy it's going to take change. I believe that to repair our broken society we don't need more of the same, we need change. Experience is the excuse of the incumbent down the ages." This is directly addressing the "novice" jibe from last week. "Experience is what they always say when they want to say," he says, before citing James Callaghan as an example of useless change. "Thank God we swapped him for Margaret Thatcher," he says. A huge round of applause here, as months of pent-up adoration for the Iron Lady are released. Now Mr Cameron moves on to the current situation. He blames the authorities, and "irresponsible" bankers in the City for whom he warns a "day of reckoning". Ultimately, though, the prime minister is at fault. He "changed the rules of the game but took the referee off the pitch" while turning into a "spendaholic". "The cupboard is bare." The solution to the current crisis is by getting borrowing down – by giving the Bank of England's power to limit debt in our economy would be restored. That's an announcement and a half. Government borrowing will be reined in, he says, before fawning on his shadow chancellor and pledging to destroy "all those useless quangos and initiatives". There's going to be a bit of belt-tightening in the shadow Cabinet and the 'Office of Budget Responsibility' outlined by George Osborne yesterday. Quite a large section of his speech now has been dedicated to repeating Mr Osborne's announcements. He can't be blamed for that, of course, as there's nothing more important in British politics at the moment. He reverts to old-style Tory attacks on Labour's "reckless spending". Then there's a build-up to something on tax cuts, but he again says "responsibility" is needed to ensure public spending cannot change immediately. He says the Tories have to be able to "say no even in the teeth of protest". Easy to say with a double-digit lead in the polls, while there are brief flickers of a Conservative government to come. After a joke about sleeping with entrepreneurs – his wife Samantha, specifically, he moves on to name-check the high-speed rail network proposed by shadow transport secretary Theresa Villiers on Monday before slipping in his priorities for both the NHS and the "broken society". He quotes David Miliband saying that unless government is on your side you end up on your own. "I thought it was one of the most arrogant things I've heard a politician say." He accuses Labour of believing there is nothing inbetween the individual and the state. "No such thing as society – just them, their laws, their rules and their arrogance. You cannot run our country like that." Erm, didn't Thatcher say there was no such thing as society? The audience loves it, giving him his biggest round of applause so far. "It's not the leader, it's Labour," he continues. "This whole health and safety, human rights culture, has infected every part of our life." Strong stuff here – Shami Chakrabarti won't be happy – as he talks about teachers needing a first aid officer present to give children plasters. "We have got to end this nonsense," he says, earning another massive round of applause. "Broken politics" is the next target, mentioning the word "sleaze" against Labour in another reversal of previously accepted logic. This is a cue to deliver a whole range of scattergun attacks, including a commitment to hold the referendum on the Lisbon treaty – despite the fact it's already been ratified. On the public services he says: "We've had 11 years of superficial short-term tinkering." He says Labour has ripped out the NHS' soul and replaced it with targets and management. Quite a neat example here, if a bit emotionally manipulative: a wordy letter from Alan Johnson about one of Mr Cameron's constituents who died of MRSA. "God, we've got to change that," he says in his most animated section yet. The Tories love it. Mr Cameron claims to be "the party of the NHS" and says "under my leadership that is how it's going to stay". He's playing the leadership card quite a bit here, but what seems most significant so far is his attacks on Labour as a whole rather than Gordon Brown in particular. It's markedly different from his usual party political performances. Time now for the section on the "broken society". He thinks those who disagree that assessment are living on another planet, citing gun and knife crime, alcohol-related crime and the "angry harsh culture of incivility" which he says have disappeared within a generation. A lengthy list of the different types of people you find in prison ends with a point about understanding the causes of crime. He's certainly ticking all the Tory boxes today. "In times of stress and anxiety the family is the best welfare system there is," Mr Cameron says. Business pays the cost of family breakdown in its taxes – so everyone needs to do their bit to promote the family. And then there's the tax issue: he doesn't want to "aggravate" anyone, but those who choose to get married deserve tax breaks because of their commitment. Schools are the second chance when families are failing, according to Mr Cameron's view of the world. He applauds the Tories' "radical" plans to end the state monopoly and allow new schools to be set up. He pledges a "declaration of war" against dumbing down, in more fighting talk. The level of small-c conservatism here is quite breathtaking and is markedly different from his previous rhetoric. Mr Cameron is raising his game here – but how will the voters respond? Welfare reform is the "pitched battle" of the reforms planned by the next government, he says. The culture of a commitment to work has ended, he says, and the Tories aren't going to put up with it. Mr Cameron claims the benefits culture is partly to blame. Iain Duncan Smith gets a nod for making the Tories "the party of social justice", but he is now beginning to wrap up. The big argument is: "When the call comes for a politics of dignity and aspiration… to expand hope and broaden horizons, it is this Conservative party that will achieve those great and noble ends of fighting poverty, extending opportunity and, yes, repairing our broken society." It's the progressive ends, Conservative means issue, stupid. Mr Cameron claims the changes needed to make the Tories "relevant" in the 21st century were made because "this party that has always believed in one nation in this century be a party of one world". The audience for this section is most definitely the conference floor – for all the changes he's just listed were driven by his leadership. "We're a changed party and we're a united party. We're making progress in the north, the south, the east, the west," he says, before trumpeting Crewe and Nantwich and Boris Johnson's mayoral win in London. "We are a united party… and we know our task is to take people with us." "I'm a man with a plan, not a miracle cure," he continues, calling for "character and judgment" in these times. "The character to stick to your guns and not to bottle it when things get tough. Leadership, character, judgment: that is what the country needs at a time like this and that is what the modern Conservative party offers." The final note is a "responsibility" towards unity – in the belief that "better times will lie ahead". He finishes and the standing ovation begins. Samantha Cameron joins him on the stage. Clapping in time with Roxy Music's Let's Stick Together – does that count as an ovation? Mr Cameron leaves the conference hall, making his final exit as lift doors close behind him. It's over for another year – and it's by far the best speech of the conference season.
Thursday, October 2, 2008
Cameron's speech as-it-happened
Welcome to politics.co.uk's As-It-Happens page. Here you can keep up to date with major parliamentary debates, press conferences or news events in real time. Just hit refresh on your browser to see the latest development.This event is now over, but you can see how it developed below. - - - - - David Cameron is about to deliver his speech to the Conservative party conference. It's his big opportunity to respond to Gordon Brown's claim that, amid the global financial crisis, this is "not the time for a novice". Follow his address live on politics.co.uk. The Tory leader is seen striding purposefully across the bridge which links to the conference centre in Birmingham. He's a bit nervous, he admits, but this can often be a handy thing. He's got a lot to live up to after his barnstorming performance this time last year. Senior members of the shadow Cabinet are applauded to their seats, William Hague and George Osborne looking especially pleased with themselves, as the big buildup continues. First, though, Baroness Warsi tells a joke and delegates watch a video. At the appointed hour Mr Cameron comes striding out on to the stage to the usual standing ovation. Senior Tories are on the stage behind him – it's a visual contrast with last year's empty stage for him to pace on. He begins by saying how pleased he is that "everyone is in tune" – a jibe at Labour there – before properly starting with a repeat of his bipartisan rhetoric "in the short-term to ensure financial stability". A repeat of "short-term" underlines his point: "the mistakes have been made", after all, so it's the Conservatives' job to explain how to do it otherwise. A neat pivot from yesterday's cooperation to today's expected attacks on Gordon Brown. An early starter for ten is the armed forces and Afghanistan. A few logical steps from pullout to "more slaughter on our streets" justifies the Tories backing our troops "100 per cent". Big round of applause for that, unsurprisingly. As with all good conference speeches Mr Cameron inserts a personal story about an 18-year-old soldier he met. And then a lament about all the things which are wrong with Britain's treatment of those armed forces – easing from approval to criticism is the theme so far. Slipping in a note of triumphalism about yesterday's Ghurkha court ruling is the perfect addition here. "These are times of great anxiety. I know how worried people are. They want to know whether are politics and, let's be frank, our politicians are really up to it," he says. Here's the key section: character and values are what people want to know about, he says. Mr Cameron says his most important world is "responsibility". And he says he asks simple questions about every judgment he makes based on these lines. Mr Cameron is explaining what you have to do when you're handling a crisis. "You cannot prove you're ready to be prime minister – it would be arrogant to tell people you can. The best way is to tell people who you are, how you make decisions, and how you live with them." This is personal stuff – much more personal than the prime minister's effort this time last week. The Tory delegates engage in a burst of frenetic applause as Mr Cameron mentions the union as an example of his judgment. "I want to be prime minister of the United Kingdom," he says, before admitting: "I know that sometimes my party gets it wrong and other parties get it right." "Simple principles" are oozing out of every sentence at the moment. This speech is an exposition of his fundamental political outlook. "Go with your conviction, not calculation," he says. "The right thing will always be right." Having built up to some big points about spin, without actually mentioning the world, he warns "difficult and unpopular things" are looming. "I believe that to rebuild our economy it's going to take change. I believe that to repair our broken society we don't need more of the same, we need change. Experience is the excuse of the incumbent down the ages." This is directly addressing the "novice" jibe from last week. "Experience is what they always say when they want to say," he says, before citing James Callaghan as an example of useless change. "Thank God we swapped him for Margaret Thatcher," he says. A huge round of applause here, as months of pent-up adoration for the Iron Lady are released. Now Mr Cameron moves on to the current situation. He blames the authorities, and "irresponsible" bankers in the City for whom he warns a "day of reckoning". Ultimately, though, the prime minister is at fault. He "changed the rules of the game but took the referee off the pitch" while turning into a "spendaholic". "The cupboard is bare." The solution to the current crisis is by getting borrowing down – by giving the Bank of England's power to limit debt in our economy would be restored. That's an announcement and a half. Government borrowing will be reined in, he says, before fawning on his shadow chancellor and pledging to destroy "all those useless quangos and initiatives". There's going to be a bit of belt-tightening in the shadow Cabinet and the 'Office of Budget Responsibility' outlined by George Osborne yesterday. Quite a large section of his speech now has been dedicated to repeating Mr Osborne's announcements. He can't be blamed for that, of course, as there's nothing more important in British politics at the moment. He reverts to old-style Tory attacks on Labour's "reckless spending". Then there's a build-up to something on tax cuts, but he again says "responsibility" is needed to ensure public spending cannot change immediately. He says the Tories have to be able to "say no even in the teeth of protest". Easy to say with a double-digit lead in the polls, while there are brief flickers of a Conservative government to come. After a joke about sleeping with entrepreneurs – his wife Samantha, specifically, he moves on to name-check the high-speed rail network proposed by shadow transport secretary Theresa Villiers on Monday before slipping in his priorities for both the NHS and the "broken society". He quotes David Miliband saying that unless government is on your side you end up on your own. "I thought it was one of the most arrogant things I've heard a politician say." He accuses Labour of believing there is nothing inbetween the individual and the state. "No such thing as society – just them, their laws, their rules and their arrogance. You cannot run our country like that." Erm, didn't Thatcher say there was no such thing as society? The audience loves it, giving him his biggest round of applause so far. "It's not the leader, it's Labour," he continues. "This whole health and safety, human rights culture, has infected every part of our life." Strong stuff here – Shami Chakrabarti won't be happy – as he talks about teachers needing a first aid officer present to give children plasters. "We have got to end this nonsense," he says, earning another massive round of applause. "Broken politics" is the next target, mentioning the word "sleaze" against Labour in another reversal of previously accepted logic. This is a cue to deliver a whole range of scattergun attacks, including a commitment to hold the referendum on the Lisbon treaty – despite the fact it's already been ratified. On the public services he says: "We've had 11 years of superficial short-term tinkering." He says Labour has ripped out the NHS' soul and replaced it with targets and management. Quite a neat example here, if a bit emotionally manipulative: a wordy letter from Alan Johnson about one of Mr Cameron's constituents who died of MRSA. "God, we've got to change that," he says in his most animated section yet. The Tories love it. Mr Cameron claims to be "the party of the NHS" and says "under my leadership that is how it's going to stay". He's playing the leadership card quite a bit here, but what seems most significant so far is his attacks on Labour as a whole rather than Gordon Brown in particular. It's markedly different from his usual party political performances. Time now for the section on the "broken society". He thinks those who disagree that assessment are living on another planet, citing gun and knife crime, alcohol-related crime and the "angry harsh culture of incivility" which he says have disappeared within a generation. A lengthy list of the different types of people you find in prison ends with a point about understanding the causes of crime. He's certainly ticking all the Tory boxes today. "In times of stress and anxiety the family is the best welfare system there is," Mr Cameron says. Business pays the cost of family breakdown in its taxes – so everyone needs to do their bit to promote the family. And then there's the tax issue: he doesn't want to "aggravate" anyone, but those who choose to get married deserve tax breaks because of their commitment. Schools are the second chance when families are failing, according to Mr Cameron's view of the world. He applauds the Tories' "radical" plans to end the state monopoly and allow new schools to be set up. He pledges a "declaration of war" against dumbing down, in more fighting talk. The level of small-c conservatism here is quite breathtaking and is markedly different from his previous rhetoric. Mr Cameron is raising his game here – but how will the voters respond? Welfare reform is the "pitched battle" of the reforms planned by the next government, he says. The culture of a commitment to work has ended, he says, and the Tories aren't going to put up with it. Mr Cameron claims the benefits culture is partly to blame. Iain Duncan Smith gets a nod for making the Tories "the party of social justice", but he is now beginning to wrap up. The big argument is: "When the call comes for a politics of dignity and aspiration… to expand hope and broaden horizons, it is this Conservative party that will achieve those great and noble ends of fighting poverty, extending opportunity and, yes, repairing our broken society." It's the progressive ends, Conservative means issue, stupid. Mr Cameron claims the changes needed to make the Tories "relevant" in the 21st century were made because "this party that has always believed in one nation in this century be a party of one world". The audience for this section is most definitely the conference floor – for all the changes he's just listed were driven by his leadership. "We're a changed party and we're a united party. We're making progress in the north, the south, the east, the west," he says, before trumpeting Crewe and Nantwich and Boris Johnson's mayoral win in London. "We are a united party… and we know our task is to take people with us." "I'm a man with a plan, not a miracle cure," he continues, calling for "character and judgment" in these times. "The character to stick to your guns and not to bottle it when things get tough. Leadership, character, judgment: that is what the country needs at a time like this and that is what the modern Conservative party offers." The final note is a "responsibility" towards unity – in the belief that "better times will lie ahead". He finishes and the standing ovation begins. Samantha Cameron joins him on the stage. Clapping in time with Roxy Music's Let's Stick Together – does that count as an ovation? Mr Cameron leaves the conference hall, making his final exit as lift doors close behind him. It's over for another year – and it's by far the best speech of the conference season.
Cameron speech 'misled public'
David Cameron faces criticism for misleading the public in his speech to the Conservative party conference yesterday.In one of his speech's most impassioned sections Mr Cameron claimed teachers are not permitted to put a plaster on a child who has grazed his or her knee without a first aid officer being present. He attacked Labour's "health and safety human rights culture" for having "infected every part of our life", adding: "Teachers can't put a plaster on a child's grazed knee without calling a first aid officer." This, according to the Health and Safety Executive, is a "myth" which causes "hassle and worry" to parents and teachers. It has set up a page on its website to help fight the myth, which states: "We've often heard of teachers, volunteers and carers being told to ask parents for permission, or even requiring parents to drive over and put the plaster on themselves. "This persistent myth causes a lot of unnecessary hassle and worry." It says there is no rule against a responsible adult putting a plaster on a child's minor cut, leading Green party deputy leader Adrian Ramsay to criticise the Tory leader's rhetoric. "For the sake of a cheap political point, David Cameron has deliberately added to the confusion over first aid and children," he commented. "This is a favourite Tory myth that may seem fun at party conference but can adversely affect the standard of care injured children receive out in the real world." He added: "This kind of petty irresponsibility is totally inappropriate for a senior politician. If he won't even tell the truth about a plaster, how could we trust him with the health service?"
Brown urges Congress to 'show reason'
Gordon Brown has added his voice to calls from George Bush for Congress to approve a reshaped version of the White House's $700 billion (ВЈ388 billion) financial bailout package.In a move that sent shockwaves through world markets last night, Congressmen voted against the rescue plan. On Tuesday, Mr Bush said it was the responsibility of the United States' elected leaders to approve the package. Mr Brown, who had already expressed his disappointment at the vote's outcome, said in further comment that the bill's failure was a "matter or regret". "But I'm confident reason will prevail," he told Sky News. "Reason must prevail and I think reason will prevail." In a separate interview with the BBC, Mr Brown said the government would do "whatever it takes" to guarantee people's savings. A Downing St spokesperson told politics.co.uk that the Financial Services Authority was currently consulting on guaranteeing deposits of up to ВЈ50,000. In a statement earlier on Tuesday, Mr Bush had warned of the "real prospect of economic hardship for millions of Americans" unless the bill was passed. "Congress must act; the financial security of every American depends upon it," he said. The bill was turned back by 228 votes to 205 on Capitol Hill on Monday, with Democrat and Republican leaders left reeling from the number of dissenting Congressmen. Republicans had voiced concerns over the plan's socialist spine; while Democrats claimed it was unfair for the American taxpayer to bailout financial institutions and the 'fat cats' that controlled them. "I recognise that this is a difficult vote for Congress. Many of them don't like that our economy has reached this point, and I understand that," Mr Bush said. "But the situation is urgent and the consequences will grow worse each day if we do not act. "If our nation continues on this course, the economic damage will be painful and lasting." Mr Bush warned that the $700 billion cost of the package paled in comparison to the $1 trillion dollar felt on markets yesterday, while the troubled assets the government planned to buy could increase in value before being sold in the future. "Much if not all of the tax dollars will be paid back," the president said. Mr Bush said he would hold talks with Congressional leaders today, with the House of Representatives not sitting due to a Jewish holiday. "Our economy is depending on decisive action from the government," he said. "The sooner we address the problem the sooner we can get back to growth and job creation." The president continued: "I can assure our citizens that this is not the end of the legislative process: the legislation is complicated and it can be contentious. "It matters little what path a bill takes to become law, what matters is that we get a law." Mr Brown had earlier said he sent the White House a message calling for "decisive action". His statement coincides with an almost unprecedented day of political overtures from the three main parties. David Cameron made an emergency statement to the Tory party conference saying he would work closely with the government to overcome the economic storm, beginning with support for a banking reform bill announced by Labour last week. Nick Clegg has written to both party leaders calling for everyone to put their proposals on the table. Mr Brown's words were moderate compared to those of Peter Mandleson, New Labour architect and currently EU trade commissioner. Speaking on the BBC's Newsnight programme, Mr Mandelson said: "I feel they've taken leave of their senses, and I hope that in Europe, we will not see politicians and parliamentarians replicating the sort of irresponsibility and political partisanship that we have seen in Washington."
'Financial emergency committee' considered
Gordon Brown may create a financial emergency committee as part of the limited reshuffle expected shortly, according to reports.Media reports suggest the committee would be modelled on the Cobra emergency committee which addresses civil crises like foot-and-mouth, the London terror attacks of 2005 and last summer's floods. But Downing Street remains tight-lipped about the proposals. A spokesperson refused to comment on either the financial emergency committee or rumours of a reshuffle. It is widely expected any shakeup will not be a drastic one. Foreign secretary David Miliband will probably be left with the international portfolio to keep him on the sidelines, while Alistair Darling is set to remain at the Treasury given the current crisis. Other senior ministers like Alan Johnson have made clear they wish to continue in their current roles, meaning it is only junior posts that will be shaken up. Transport secretary Ruth Kelly will leave her post, however. She announced at the Labour party conference in Manchester last week her plans to stand down "for family reasons" after the prime minister's leader's speech.
Wednesday, October 1, 2008
Cameron calls for unity amid economic crisis
Conservative party leader David Cameron today gave a surprise statement calling for the main political parties to work together amid the economic crisis gripping the world.Mr Cameron will give his main speech to the party tomorrow in which he will outline his proposals to fix the economy. But he said, given the current concerns about the world economy, today was not the day to talk about those proposals. Instead, he said, the Conservatives would try to work with the government to restore confidence in the financial system and he called on Gordon Brown to accelerate current legislation designed to save failing banks and saver's deposits and bring both bills before parliament next week where they would have the full support of the Conservatives. Both bills have until now been held up in parliament over two key issues – the size of savings deposits the government is willing to guarantee in the event of a bank failure and which authority, the Bank of England or the Financial Services Authority, should make the decision as to when to bail out a failing bank. But Mr Cameron said that the Conservatives would "not be playing politics with this". "We stand ready to help the government to do the right thing for the sake of the economy," he said. But he also warned that: "This is not a blank cheque" and that if further legislation needed to be passed he hoped the opposition would be consulted. Mr Cameron said it was easy to see why people were angry about the financial crisis but added: "Lets get out attitude to financial services right". "There will be a day of reckoning but today is not that day," he added. "But today is a time for us to send a clear message: to our political opponents, to our country. Let's not allow the political wrangling and point-scoring that we've seen in America to happen here in our own country. In Britain, we are all in this together. In Britain, let's stick together, and together we'll find a way through." Earlier today Mr Cameron said he had been in conversation with the prime minister and the head of the Financial Services Authority to express his support for government efforts to maintain stability in the wake of the collapsed deal to bail out the US economy last night. Speaking on the Today programme, Mr Cameron insisted he had acted to work with the government as a "responsible opposition" on issues like Trident, school reform and impending banking legislation. "There's a substantial point here: it may be necessary to take important steps to provide financial stability and people will want to see cross-party support," he said. Mr Cameron remained critical of the government, however, after his shadow chancellor George Osborne's scathing attacks on Gordon Brown in his speech to the Tory conference in Birmingham yesterday. "For the last ten years we've had a situation where there hasn't been anyone to call time on bank lending," he added. "You've got the Bank of England making the big decisions on interest rates, the FSA doing the regulation about financial products, but it's that piece in the middle: is the overall leverage of debt in the economy getting out of control?" Mr Cameron refused to be drawn on whether the Tories would nationalise a major British bank if it faced collapse. But he sought to emphasise the difference between an institutional failure and a systemic failure, saying both taxpayers and the system need protecting where necessary. "There are dangers for the parties of the left which is to use this as an opportunity to trash the whole system. There are dangers to parties of the right – if they took the view that regulation is always wrong that is a crazy thing to do," he said. "That is something the Conservative party does not believe. A free market system does need rules. What matters is, can we put those rules in place in a way that makes sure our system works well but provides greater stability?"
Cameron speech: Analysis
David Cameron moved Britain several steps closer to a real ideological political debate with his carefully calculated speech to the Conservative party conference.The Tory leader's speech had been trailed as a response to Gordon Brown's jibe that the financial crisis is "not the time for a novice". He met expectations here, condemning experience as an excuse for those who do not seek change. It's a sensible prediction that the voters will prefer the latter after 11 years of Labour government. But it also has some serious undertones: change requires a choice to be laid before the electorate. David Cameron began laying out the outlines of that choice today. His shift away from the attacks on the prime minister which have dominated the last three years represents a real change. It might seem placing the focus on ideological differences would be inevitable in a vision and values debate concentrating on "character and judgment". Spreading the assault against the entire party, rather than just against the prime minister, represents a remarkable shift, however. As he put it: "It's not the leader, it's Labour." Mr Cameron moved significantly to the right in this respect as the whole concept of individuals v the state left the Tories shuddering. Mr Cameron deliberately allowed himself to get worked up over teachers needing first aid officers to put plasters on pupils. He railed against the "useless quangos and initiatives" set up by the left. And he allowed his disgust to show about a letter from Alan Johnson explaining the complaints procedures after one of his constituents died of MRSA. "My God," he exclaimed. There was no such animation from the prime minister last week. The Tory leader may find himself open to hostility of emotional manipulation from those naturally opposed to his politics. But the Tories themselves loved it, for this was a Mr Cameron who seemed more at ease than ever before with the gut instincts of the old-school Conservative party. "This whole health and safety, human rights culture, has infected every part of our life," he hissed. This was a speech fundamentally opposed to the basic impulses of the left; by taking on Labour Mr Cameron began to put some distance between the Tories and Britain's governing party. As a result it was no surprise when the "progressive ends, Conservative means" phrase was rolled out. With a pre-conference polling cushion of up to 20 per cent Mr Cameron can afford to slow down his assault on the central ground previously occupied by New Labour. Somehow it is now reconcilable with more firmly right-wing positions, as the Tories, renewed in confidence, apply their basic principles to the political system they face. It is not yet clear how this move will play with voters. A politics.co.uk poll conducted during the conference season found around three-quarters of respondents believe the Tories will be the big winners but, if Mr Cameron has made a misjudgement, today might just change this. It was certainly the best of the season in terms of delivery. Nick Clegg's inexperience and Gordon Brown's lack of panache were both trumped. This may play either way, however, for Mr Cameron's effort is likely to have the most powerful impact as a result. In laying down his values, his vision, his judgment, Mr Cameron gave voters a clearer picture than ever before of the type of Conservative government they could expect. The negative attitude to Britain's "broken society", the commitment to the family and the horror at left-wing interventionism all remain. At the same time the Tories are the "party of the NHS" and the "party of social justice", but – as Mr Cameron demonstrated today – the means through which the goals are achieved are very different from those of Labour. It might have been thin on policy announcements, but today Mr Cameron laid out more clearly than ever before what the 21st century Tories are about. After years of blurred politics concentrating on personality the return of a real and substantial political divide may have just begun. Alex Stevenson
Cameron speech: Comment
He'll never fail at this type of stuff, but you can see chinks in the armour.David Cameron is second only to Tony Blair at making conference speeches. He can do relaxed and informal, he can do friendly and trustworthy, he can do sturdy and reliable. Today he was the statesman with a dash of brazen honesty. He used a lectern, unlike last year's walk-and-talk memory feat. He wore a dark blue suit. He smiled only at the start and the end, as he tried to put his arms around his wife in that painful, toe-curling way politicians now feel they must. Journalists are usually given typed-up copies of the speech as the leader walks on stage. During Nick Clegg's speech to the Lib Dem conference I looked out for sections where he had to emphasise lines like "It has to stop" or "we have got to end this nonsense". These are the sections which show your powers as an orator. Mr Clegg does not quite have it. He can convince, but he cannot stir the heart. Mr Cameron really does have it. His rhetorical touches, his sense of momentum and his timing are all impeccable. So is his choice of attack. They say homeowners who use weapons against burglars are likely to find those weapons turned against them. So it is with Gordon Brown and Mr Cameron. That which the prime minister uses to attack the Tories is grabbed and used against him, often to great effect. Mr Cameron took the 'novice' line of Mr Brown's speech and made him bleed with it. He used it to portray himself as a rebel, as anti-establishment. "If we listened to this argument about experience, we'd never change a government, ever," he said. By defining the speech as statesman-like but simultaneously embracing this notion of representing change Mr Cameron managed to be all things to all people. He was exciting, but safe. Revolutionary, but conservative. And all the while he employed his trademark down-at-home charm to brilliant effect. In one section, he told delegates he had written to the health secretary, Alan Johnson, after learning of a man whose wife died, "robbed of her dignity", by a hospital infection. Mr Johnson's reply was filled with exactly the kind of bureaucrat-speak people have come to detest from government ministers, describing in cold terms the various complaint procedures available. Mr Cameron quoted his letter: "A complaints procedure has been established for the NHS to resolve concern. Each hospital and Primary Care Trust has a Patient Advice and Liaison Service to support people who wish to make a complaint. There is also an Independent Complaints Advocacy Service…" And then he gave his response: "A Healthcare Commission. A Health Service Ombudsman. A Patient Advice and Liaison Service. An Independent Complaints Advocacy Service. Four ways to make a complaint but not one way for my constituent's wife to die with dignity." It was simply devastating. Mr Cameron was the man of the people, filled with indignation against a government that had simply lost touch. But there is weakness here. The public are prone to relying on experience during times of crisis. We are now without doubt in a time of crisis, and if the public are given the option of experience over youth and radicalism, they may still opt for the former. How far that affects Mr Cameron's electoral performance will depend on the extent to which economic issues still govern the front pages in 2010. He had better pray they do not, because after a week of attempting to repair their image on the issue, the Conservatives have failed to make a convincing case for their argument. You could almost see them holding their noses when they had to make the mandatory attacks on City bankers. And today there was ample evidence the Conservatives are on the wrong side of the argument when it comes to the financial downturn. The first hint came during a section on 'supporting entrepreneurs'. Mr Cameron put great emphasis on the Conservative policy of cutting corporation tax by three pence. It's a foundation stone of Tory thought. The best way to improve the economy is to set business free. But right or wrong – and it's usually wrong – the policy is against the public mood. The public are now suspicious of the rich, and angry at the different rules applied to corporations and speculators. As the economic situation gets worse, questions are raised about income distribution and corporate influence. A section on cutting government debt by "reforming inefficient public services" had similar Thatcher-era overtones. The Conservatives privately admit they are on the wrong side of this. Their policy has been to make the occasional – and highly resented – attack on 'greedy bankers' and then to keep as quiet about their real opinions on the issue as possible. In today's speech, it was studiously tidied under the carpet. It won't be that way forever. Mr Cameron can pull this stuff off almost effortlessly, but lingering doubts about Conservative performance on the economy remain. Today's speech was excellent and the conference in general succeeded in walking that fine line between optimism and seriousness. But Conservative planners' greatest hope would have been to fundamentally change the public's attitude towards them on economic issues. In that, both the speech and the conference failed. Ian Dunt
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)